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I 


I.  W.  W. 


ITS  HISTORY,  STRUCTURE 
AND  METHODS 

By 
VINCENT  ST.  JOHN 


PRICE  TEN  CENTS 


I  W  W  PiiBIIWfi  RiiRFAII 

I.    if.    ?*.   I  uULiJtBmU   iluiiLnu> 


P.  O.  Drawer  622  New   Castle,   Pa.  I  - 

\;  ^?521S5?'S/  -    '  ; 


IOI 


OCS8     LIBRARY 


Typographical  and  Press  Work 
On    this     Pamphlet     Were     Done     By      Members    of 
LOCAL  UNION  297,  I.   W.  W.  |H 


UCSB  LIBRARY 

THE  L_W.  W.' 

ITS  HISTORY,  STRUCTURE 
AND  METHODS 


By 
VINCENT  ST.  JOHN 


PRICE  TEN  CENTS 


PUBLISHED     BY     THE 

I.  W.  W.  PUBLISHING  BUREAU, 

/0fl^ 

P.  O.  Drawer  622  New   Castle,   Pa. 


STRUCTURE 

OF  THE  I.  W.  W. 

LOCAL 

INDUSTRIAL  UNIONS 

One  local  union  for  each  industry  in 
each  locality  or  district.   Local  In- 
dustrial unions  are  branched  as  the 
need  of  each  industry  requires. 

RATIONAL   INDUSTRIAL  UNIONS  /                >. 

of  the  same  industry  into                                 \ 
National   Industrial  Unions  of                              ^v 
%£it*?£?l£  ^r~r                          DISTRIC^JNDUSTRIAL  COUNCILS 

INDUSTRIAL 

DEPARTMENTS 

—  >        in  a  given  locality  or  district.  An 
Executive  Council  of  1  delegate  froa 
each  local  industrial  union,  and  a 
Sec'y-Treasurer. 

/ 

National   industrial  unions  of                  / 
closely  allied  Industrie?  Into                 / 
Industrial  Departments.  An  e*o-            / 
cutlve  board  of  one  member  from          / 
each  national  Industrial  union,        / 
and  a  sec'y-treasurer.                         / 

GENERAL 

ORGANIZATION 

All  industrial  departments 
combined  into  the  General  Organ- 
ization with  International 
Affiliation. 
General  Executive  Board  of  one 
member  from  each  industrial 
Department.  A  General  Sec'y-Treae. 
and  a  General  Organizer. 

THE  I.  W.  W. 

A  Brief  History 

In  the  fall  of  1904  six  active  workers  in  the  revolu- 
tionary labor  movement  held  a  conference.  After 
exchanging  views  and  discussing  the  conditions  then 
confronting  the  workers  of  the  United  States,  they 
decided  to  issue  a  call  for  a  larger  gathering. 

These  six  workers  were  Isaac  Cowen,  American 
representative  of  the  Amalgamated  Society  of  Engineers 
of  Great  Britain,  Clarence  Smith,  general  secretary- 
treasurer  of  the  American  Labor  Union,  Thomas.  J. 
Hagerty,  editor  of  the  Voice  of  Labor,"  official  organ, 
of  the  A.  L.  U.,  George  Estes,  president  of  the  United 
Brotherhood  of  Railway  Employes,  W.  L.  Hall,  general 
secretary -treasurer  U.  B.  R.  E.,  and  Wm.  E.  Trautmann, 
editor  of  the  "Brauer  Zeitung"  the  official  organ  of  the 
United  Brewery  Workers  of  America. 

Invitations  were  then  sent  out  to  thirty-six  addition- 
al individuals  who  were  active  in  the  radical  labor 
organizations  and  the  socialist  political  movement  of  the 
United  States  inviting  them  to  meet  in  secret  conference 
in  Chicago,  Illinois,  January  2,  1905. 

Of  the  thirty-six  who  received  the  invitation,  but 
two  declined  to  attend  the  proposed  conference — Max  S. 
Hayes  and  Victor  Berger — both  of  whom  were  in  editorial 
charge  of  socialist  political  party  and  trade  union  organs. 

The  conference  met  at  the  appointed  time  with  thirty 
present,  and  drew  up  the  Industrial  Union  Manifesto 
calling  for  a  convention  to  be  held  in  Chicago,  June  27, 
1905  for  the  purpose  of  launching  an  organization  in 


4  THE     I.     W.     W. 

accord  with  the  principles  set  forth  in  the  Manifesto. 

The  work  of  circulating  the  Manifesto  was  handled 
by  an  executive  committee  of  the  conference,  the  Ameri- 
can Labor  Union  and  Western  Federation  of  Miners. 

The  Manifesto  was  widely  circulated  in  several 
languages. 

On  the  date  set  the  convention  assembled  with  186 
delegates  present  from  84  state,  district,  national  and 
local  organizations  representing  about  90,000  members. 

All  who  were  present  as  delegates  Avere  not  there  in 
good  faith.  Knowledge  of  this  fact  caused  the  signers 
of  the  Manifesto  to  constitute  themselves  a  temporary 
committee  on  credentials. 

This  temporary  credentials  committee  ruled  that 
representation  for  organizations  would  be  based  upon  the 
number  of  members  in  their  respective  organizations  only 
where  such  delegates  were  empowered  by  their  organize - 
tions  to  install  said  organizations  as  integral  parts  of  the 
Industrial  Union  when  formed.  Where  not  so  empow- 
ered delegates  would  only  be  allowed  one  vote. 

One  of  the  delegations  present  was  from  the  Illinois 
State  District  of  the  United  Mine  Workers  of  America. 
The  membership  of  that  district  at  that  time  was  in  the 
neighborhood  of  50,000.  Under  the  above  rule  these 
delegates  were  seated  with  one  vote  each.  This  brings 
the  number  of  members  represented  down  to  40,000. 

Several  other  organizations  that  had  delegates 
present,  existed  mainly  on  paper ;  so  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  40,000  is  a  good  estimate  of  the  number  of  workers 
represented  in  the  first  convention. 

The  foregoing  figures  will  show  that  the  precautions 
adopted  by  the  signers  of  the  Manifesto  were  all  that 
prevented  the  opponents  of  the  industrial  union  movement 
from  capturing  the  convention  and  blocking  any  effort  to 
start  the  organization.  It  is  a  fact  that  many  of  those 
who  were  present  as  delegates  on  the  floor  of  the  first 
convention  and  the  organizations  that  they  represented 
have  bitterly  fought  the  I.  W.  WT.  from  the  close  of  the 


HISTORY,    STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS  5 

first  convention  up  to  the  present  day. 

The  organizations  that  installed  as  a  part  of  the  new 
organization  were :  Western  Federation  of  Miners, 
27,000  members ;  Socialist  Trade  and  Labor  Alliance,* 
1,450  members;  Punch  Press  Operators,  168  members; 
United  Metal  Workers*,  3,009  members;  Longshore- 
men's Union,  4-00  members  ;  the  American  Labor  Union*, 
16,500  members  ;  L'ni ted  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Em- 
ployes, 2,087  members. 

The  convention  lasted  twelve  days ;  adopted  a  con- 
stitution with  the  following  preamble,  and  elected  officers  : 

ORIGINAL  I.  W.  W.  PREAMBLE 

The  working  class  and  the  employing  class  have 
nothing  in  common.  There  can  be  no  peace  so  long  as 
hunger  and  want  are  found  among  millions  of  working 
people  and  the  few,  who  make  up  the  employing  class, 
have  all  the  good  things  of  life. 

Between  these  two  classes  a  struggle  must  go  on 
until  all  the  toilers  come  together  on  the  political,  as 
well  as  on  the  industrial  field,  and  take  and  hold  that 
which  they  produce  by  their  labor  through  an  economic 
organization  of  the  working  class,  without  affiliation  with 
any  political  party. 

The  rapid  gathering  of  wealth  and  the  centering 
of  the  management  of  industries  into  fewer  and  fewer 
hands  make  the  trade  unions  unable  to  cope  with  the 
ever-growing  power  of  the  employing  class,  because  the 
trades  unions  foster  a  state  of  things  which  allows  one 
set  of  workers  to  be  pitted  against  another  set  of  workers 
in  the  same  industry,  thereby  helping  defeat  one  another 
in  wage  wars.  The  trades  unions  aid  the  employing 
class  to  mislead  the  workers  into  the  belief  that  the 
working  class  have  interests  in  common  with  their 
employers. 

These  sad  conditions  can  be  changed  and    the   in- 


*  Existed  almost  wholly  on  paper. 


6  THK     I.     W.     W. 

terests  of  tin-  working  class  upheld  only  by  an  organi/a- 
tion  formed  in  such  a  way  that  all  its  member^  in  any 
one  industry,  or  in  all  industries,  if  necessary,  cea^e 
work  whenever  a  strike  or  lockout  is  on  in  any  depart- 
ment thereof,  thus  making  an  injury  to  one  an  injury 
to  all." 

All  kinds  and  shades  of  theories  and  programs  were 
represented  among  the  delegates  and  individuals  present 
at  the  first  convention.  The  principal  ones  in  evidence, 
however,  were  four:  Parliamentary  socialists — two 
types — impossibilist  and  opportunist;  Marxian  and  reform- 
ist anarchist ;  industrial  unionist;  and  the  labor  union 
fakir.  The  task  of  combining  these  conflicting  elements 
was  attempted  by  the  convention.  A  knowledge  of  this 
task  makes  it  easier  to  understand  the  seeming  contra- 
dictions in  the  original  Preamble. 

The  first  year  of  the  organization  was  one  of  internal 
struggle  for  control  by  these  different  elements.  The 
two  camps  of  socialist  politicians  looked  upon  the 
I.  W.  W.  only  as  a  battle  ground  on  which  to  settle 
their  respective  merits  and  demerits.  The  labor  fakirs 
strove  to  fasten  themselves  upon  the  organization  that 
they  might  continue  to  exist  if  the  new  Union  was  a 
success.  The  anarchist  element  did  not  interfere  to  any 
great  extent  in  the  internal  affairs.  Only  one  instance 
is  known  to  the  writer:  that  of  New  York  City  where 
they  were  in  alliance  with  one  set  of  politicians,  for  the 
purpose  of  controlling  the  district  council. 

In  spite  of  all  these  and  other  obstacles  the  new 
organization  made  some  progress ;  fought  a  few  successful 
battles  with  the  employing  class,  and  started  publishing 
a  monthly  organ,  The  Industrial  Worker."  The 
I.  W.  W.  also  issued  the  first  call  for  the  defense  of 
Moyer,  Hay  wood  and  Petti  bone  under  the  title,  '  Shall 
our  Brothers  be  Murdered?"  ;  formed  the  defense  league; 
and  it  is  due  to  the  interest  awakened  by  the  I.  W.  W. 
that  other  organizations  were  enlisted  in  the  fight  to  sa\e 
the  lives  of  the  officials  of  the  W.  F.  M.  which  finally 


HISTORY,    STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS  7 

resulted  in  their  liberation.      Thus  the  efforts  of  the  W. 
F.  M.  in  starting  the  I.  W.  W.  were  repaid  *. 

SECOND  CONVENTION 

The  Second  convention  met  in  September  1906, 
with  93  delegates  representing  about  60,000  members. 

The  convention  developed  that  the  administration  of 
the  I.  W.  W.  was  in  the  hands  of  men  who  were  not  in 
accord  with  the  revolutionary  program  of  the  organiza- 
tion. Of  the  general  officers  but  two  were  sincere — the 
General  Secretary,  W.  E.  Trautman,  and  one  member 
of  the  Executive  Board,  John  Riordan. 

The  struggle  for  control  of  the  organization  formed 
the  Second  convention  into  two  camps.  The  majority 
vote  of  the  convention  was  in  the  revolutionary  camp. 
The  reactionary  camp  having  the  chairman  used  obstruct- 
tive  tactics  in  their  effort  to  gain  control  of  the  conven- 
tion. They  hoped  thereby  to  delay  the  convention  until 
enough  delegates  would  be  forced  to  return  home  and 
thus  change  the  control  of  the  convention.  The  revolu- 
tionists cut  this  knot  by  abolishing  the  office  of  President 
and  electing  a  chairman  from  among  the  revolutionists. 

In  this  struggle  the  two  contending  sets  of  socialist 
politicians  lined  up  in  opposite  camps. 

The  Second  convention  amended  the  Preamble  by 
adding  the  following  clause : 

Therefore  without  endorsing  or  desiring    the    en- 
dorsement of  any  political  party.'" 

A  new  executive  board  was  elected.  On  the  ad- 
journment of  the  convention  the  old  officials  seized  the 
general  headquarters,  and  with  the  aid  of  detectives  and 
police  held  the  same,  compelling  the  revolutionists  to 
open  up  new  offices.  This  they  were  enabled  to  do  in 


*  Berger  in  the  "Social  Democratic  Herald"  of 
Milwaukee  denied  that  the  Moyer,  Haywood  and  Petti- 
bone  case  was  a  part  of  the  class  struggle.  It  was  but  a 
"border  feud,"  said  he. 


8  I  HI.     I.      \\  .      W. 

spite  of  the  fact  that  they  \\t-n-  without  access  to  the 
funds  of  the  organization,  and  had  to  depend  on  getting 
finances  from  the  locals. 

The  W.  F.  M.  officials  supported  the  old  officials  of 
the  I.  W.  VV.  for  a  time  financially  and  with  the  influence 
of  their  official  organ.  The  same  is  true  oi  the  Socialist 
Party  press  and  administration.  The  radical  t  lenient  in 
the  W.  F.  M.  were  finally  able  to  force  the  officials  to 
withdraw  that  support.  The  old  officials  of  the  1.  VV.  W. 
then  gave  up  all  pretence  of  having  an  organization. 

The  organization  entered  its  second  year  facing  a 
more  severe  struggle  than  it  contended  with  in  its  first 
year.  It  succeeded,  however,  in  establishing  the  gen- 
eral headquarters  again,  and  in  issuing  a  weekly  publica- 
tion in  place  of  the  monthly,  seized  by  the  old  officials. 

During  the  second  year  some  hard  struggles  were 
waged  by  the  members  for  better  conditions. 

The  Third  convention  of  the  organization  was  un- 
eventful. But  it  was  at  this  convention  that  it  became 
evident  that  the  socialist  politicians  who  had  remained 
with  the  organization  were  trying  to  bend  the  I.  W.  W. 
to  their  purposes  ;  and  a  slight  effort  was  made  to  relegate 
the  politician  to  the  rear. 

The  Fourth  convention  resulted  in  a  rupture  between 
the  politicians  and  industrial  unionists  because  the  former 
were  not  allowed  to  control  the  organization. 

The  Preamble  was  amended  as  follows : 

I.  W.  W.  PREAMBLE 

The  working  class  and  the  employing  class 
have  nothing  in  common.  There  can  be  no 
peace  so  long  as  hunger  and  want  are  found 
among  millions  of  working  people  and  the  few, 
who  make  up  the  employing  class,  have  all  the 
good  things  of  life. 

Between  these  two  classes  a  struggle  must 
go  on  until  the  workers  of  the  world  organize 
as  a  class,  take  possession  of  the  earth  and  the 


HISTORY,    STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS  9 

machinery  of  production,  and  abolish  the  wage 
system. 

^^  We  find  that  the  centering  of  the  manage- 
ment of  industries  into  iewer  and  fewer  hands 
makes  the  trade  unions  unable  to  cope  with 
the  ever-growing  power  of  the  employing  class. 
The  trade  unions  foster  a  state  oi  ahairs  which 
allows  one  set  of  workers  to  be  pitted  against 
another  set  of  workers  in  the  same  industry,, 
thereby  helping  to  defeat  one  another  in  wage 
wars.  Moreover,  the  trade  unions  aid  the  em- 
ploying class  to  mislead  the  workers  into  the 
belief  that  the  working  class  have  interests  in 
common  with  their  employers. 

These  conditions  can  be  changed  and  the 
interest  of  the  working  class  upheld  only  by  an 
organization  formed  in  such  a  way  that  ail  its 
members  in  any  one  industry,  or  in  ail  indus- 
tries, if  necessary,  cease  work  whenever  a  strike 
or  lockout  is  on  in  any  department  thereof,  thus 
making  an  injury  to  one  an  injury  to  all. 

Instead  of  the  conservative  motto,  "A  fair 
day's  wages  for  a  fair  day's  work,"  we  must 
inscribe  on  our  banner  the  revolutionary  watch- 
word, "Abolition  of  the  wage  system.5' 

It  is  the  historic  mission  of  the  working 
class  to  do  away  with  capitalism.  The  army  of 
production  must  be  organized,  not  only  for  the 
every-day  struggle  with  the  capitalists,  but  also 
to  carry  on  production  when  capitalism  shall 
have  been  overthrown.  By  organizing  indus- 
trially we  are  forming  the  structure  of  the  new 
society  within  the  shell  of  the  old. 

The  politicians  attempted  to  set  up  another  organi- 
zation claiming  to  be  the  real  industrial  movement.  It 
is  nothing  but  a  duplicate  of  their  political  party  and 
does  not  function  at  all.  It  is  committed  to  a  program 


10  THK     I.     W.      W. 

of  the  civilized  plane,"'  i.  e.,  parliamentarism.  Its 
publications  are  the  official  organs  of  a  political  sect  that 
never  misses  an  opportunity  to  assail  the  revolutionary 
workers  while  they  are  engaged  in  combat  with  some 
division  of  the  ruling  class.  Their  favorite  method  is  to 
charge  the  revolutionists  with  all  the  crimes  that  a  cow- 
ardly imagination  can  conjure  into  being.  Dynamiters, 
assassins,  thugs,  murderers,  thieves,"  etc.,  are  stock 
phrases.  Their  only  virtue  is  that  they  put  their  asser- 
tions into  print,  while  the  other  wing  of  the  politicians 
spread  their  venom  in  secret. 


HISTORY,    STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS  11 


Structure  of  the  I.  W.  W. 

Basing  its  conclusions  upon  the  experience  of  the 
past  the  I.  W.  W.  holds  that  it  is  essential  to  have  the 
form  and  structure  of  the  organization  correct  in  order  to 
facilitate  the  growth  of  solidarity  on  class  lines  among 
the  workers.  Unless  the  structure  of  the  organization 
keeps  step  with  the  development  of  industry  it  will  be 
impossible  to  secure  the  solidarity  so  necessary  to  success 
in  our  struggles  with  the  employing  class. 

Out  of  date  forms  of  organization  with  their  corres- 
ponding obsolete  methods  and  rules  will  have  to  be 
broken  down.  To  do  this  in  time  of  a  struggle  means 
confusion  and  chaos  that  results  in  defeat. 

The  I.  W.  W.  holds  that,  regardless  of  the  bravery 
and  spirit  the  workers  might  show,  if  they  are  compelled 
to  fight  with  old  methods  and  an  out  of  date  form  of 
organization  against  the  modern  organization  of  the  em- 
ploying class,  there  can  be  but  one  outcome  to  any 
struggle  waged  under  these  conditions — defeat. 

The  I.  W.  W.  recognizes  the  need  of  working  class 
solidarity.  To  achieve  this  it  proposes  the  recognition  of 
the  Class  Struggle  as  the  basic  principle  of  the  organiza- 
tion, and  declares  its  purpose  to  be  the  fighting  of  that 
struggle  until  the  working  class  is  in  control  of  the  ad- 
ministration of  industry. 

In  its  basic  principle  the  I.  W.  W.  calls  forth  that 
spirit  of  revolt  and  resistance  that  is  so  necessary  a  part 
of  the  equipment  of  any  organization  of  the  workers  in 
their  struggle  for  economic  independence.  In  a  word, 
its  basic  principle  makes  the  I.  W.  W.  a  fighting  organi- 
zation. It  commits  the  union  to  an  unceasing  struggle 
against  the  private  ownership  and  control  of  industry. 

There  is  but  one  bargain  that  the    I.     W.     W.     will 


12  THK:    i.    \v.    w. 

make  with  the  employing  class— COMPLKTK  Sl'RREN- 
DER  OF  ALL  CONTROL  OF  INDUSTRY  TO  THE 
ORGANIZED  WORKERS. 

The  experience  of  the  p;ist  h.-'s  proven  the  mass  form 
of  organization,  such  as  that  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  to 
be  as  powerless  and  unwieldy  as  a  mob. 

The  craft  form  of  union,  with  its  principle  of  trade 
autonomy,  am?  h.-u-mony  of  intetest  with  the  boss,  has 
also  been  proven  a  failure.  It  has  not  furnished  an 
effective  weapon  to  the  working  class.  True,  it  has  been 
able  to  get  for  the  skilled  mechanics  improved  conditions ; 
but  due  to  the  narrow  structure  of  the  craft  organization, 
class  interest  has  long  since  been  lost  sight  of,  and  craft 
interest  alone  governs  the  actions  of  its  membership.  In 
the  last  analysis  the  craft  union  has  only  been  able  to 
get  advantages  for  its  membership  at  the  expense  of  the 
great  mass  of  the  working  class :  the  unskilled  workers, 
by  entering  into  a  contract  with  the  employing  class  to 
stand  aloof  from  the  balance  of  the  working  class  in  its 
struggles.  They  have  become  allies  of  the  employers  to 
keep  in  subjection  the  vast  majority  of  the  workers. 
The  I.  W.  W.  denies  that  the  craft  union  movement  is  a 
labor  movement.  We  deny  that  it  can  or  will  become  a 
labor  movement. 

Today  in  the  United  States  in  all  of  the  basic  (large) 
industries,  whenever  any  portion  of  the  workers  strive 
for  better  conditions,  they  enter  into  a  conflict  with  the 
employing  class  as  a  whole.  The  expense  of  a  strike  is 
borne  by  the  organi/ed  employers  who  have  reached  that 
point  that,  regardless  of  what  competition  may  still  re- 
main, they  unite  to  keep  the  workers  in  subjection,  be- 
cause of  the  common  interest  all  have  in  securing  cheap 
labor. 

To  meet  this  condition  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the 
World  proposes : 

GENERAL  OUTLINE 

1.     The  unit  of  organization  is  the  Local  Industrial 


HISTORY,    STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS  13 

Union.  The  local  industrial  union  embraces  all  of  the 
"workers  of  a  given  industry  in  a  given  city,  town  or 
district. 

2.  All  local  industrial  unions  of  the  same   industry 
are  combined  into    a    National     Industrial     Union     with 
jurisdiction  over  the  entire  industry. 

3.  National  industrial  unions  of  closely    allied    in- 
dustries are  combined  into   Departmental   Organizations. 
For  example,  all  national  industrial    unions    engaged    in 
the  production  of  Food  Products    and  in    handling    them 
would  be  combined  into  the  Department  of    Food    Prod- 
ucts.     Steam,  Air,  Water  and  Land  national  divisions  of 
the  Transportation   Industry,    form    the    Transportation 
Department. 

4.  The  industrial  departments  are    combined    into 
the  General  Organization,  which    in    turn    is    to    be    an 
integral  part  of  a  like   International    Organization ;    and 
through  the  international  organization  establish  solidarity 
and  co-operation  between  the  workers  of  all  countries. 

SUBDIVISIONS 

Taking  into  consideration  the  technical  differences 
that  exist  within  the  different  departments  of  the  indus- 
tries, aud  the  needs  where  large  numbers  of  workers  are 
employed,  the  local  industrial  union  is  branched  to  meet 
these  requirements. 

1.  Language  branches,  so    that    the    workers    can 
conduct  the  affairs  of  the  organization    in    the    language 
they  are  most  familiar  with. 

2.  Shop  branches,  so    that    the    workers     of   each 
shop  control  the  conditions  that  directly  affect  them. 

3.  Department   branches    in    large    industries,    to 
simplify  and  systematize  the  business  of  the  organization. 

5.  District  branches,  to  enable  members  to  attend 
meetings  of  the  union  without  having  to  travel  too  great 
a  distance.      These  branches  are  only    necessary    in    the 
large  cities  and  big  industries  where  the  industry   covers 
large  areas. 


14  THK     I.     W,     W. 

5.  District  Councils,  in  order  that  every  given 
industrial  district  shall  have  complete  industrial  solidarity 
among  the  workers  in  all  industries  of  such  district,  as 
well  as  among  the  workers  of  each  industry.  The  In- 
dustrial District  Council  combines  all  the  local  industrial 
unions  of  the  district.  Through  it  concerted  action  is 
maintained  for  its  district. 

FUNCTIONS  OF  BRANCHES 

Branches  of  an  industrial  local  deal  with  the  em- 
ployer ONLY  through  the  Industrial  Union.  Thus, 
while  the  workers  in  each  branch  determine  the  condi- 
tions that  directly  affect  them,  they  act  in  concert  with 
all  the  workers  through  the  industrial  union. 

As  the  knowledge  of  the  English  language  becomes 
mor  e  general,  the  language  branches  will  disappear. 

The  development  of  machine  production  will  also 
gradually  eliminate  the  branches  based  on  technical 
knowledge,  or  skill. 

The  constant  devolopment  and  concentration  of  the 
ownership  and  control  of  industry  will  be  met  by  a  like 
concentration  of  the  number  of  industrial  unions  and 
industrial  departments.  It  is  meant  that  the  organiza- 
tion at  all  times  shall  conform  to  the  needs  of  the  hour 
and  eventually  furnish  the  union  through  which  and  by 
which  the  organized  workers  will  be  able  to  determine 
the  amount  of  food,  clothing,  shelter,  education  and 
amusement  necessary  to  satisfy  the  wants  of  the  workers. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE  ORGANIZATIONS 

Local  unions  have  full  charge  of  all  their  local 
affairs;  elect  their  own  officers;  determine  their  pay ;  and 
also  the  amount  of  dues  collected  by  the  local  from  tin- 
membership.  The  general  organization,  however,  does 
not  allow  any  local  to  charge  over  $1.00  per  month  dues 
or  $5.00  initiation  fee. 

Each  branch  of  a  local  industrial  union  elects  a  dele- 
gate or  delegates  to  the  central  committee  of  the  local 


HISTORY,    STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS  15 

industrial  union.  This  central  committee  is  the  admin- 
istrative body  of  the  local  industrial  union.  Officers  of 
the  branches  consist  of  secretary,  treasurer,  chairman 
and  trustees. 

Officers  of  the  local  industrial  union  consist  of  secre- 
tary and  treasurer,  chairman,  and  trustees. 

Each  local  industrial  union  within  a  given  district 
elects  a  delegate  or  delegates  to  the  district  council. 
The  district  council  has  as  officers  a  secretary-treasurer 
and  trustees.  The  officers  of  the  district  council  are 
elected  by  the  delegates  thereof. 

All  officers  in  local  bodies  are  elected  by  referendum 
vote  of  all  the  membership  involved,  except  those  of  the 
district  council. 

Proportional  representation  does  not  prevail  in  the 
delegations  ot  the  branches  and  to  district  councils. 
Each  branch  and  local  has  the  same  number  of  delegates. 
Each  delegate  casts  one  vote. 

National  industrial  unions  hold  annual  conventions. 
Delegates  from  each  local  of  the  national  union  cast  a 
vote  based  upon  the  membership  of  the  local  that  they 
represent. 

The  national  industrial  union  nominates  the  candi- 
dates for  officers  at  the  convention,  and  the  three  nomi- 
nees receiving  the  highest  votes  at  the  convention  are 
sent  to  all  the  membership  to  be  voted  upon  in  selecting 
the  officers. 

The  officers  of  the  national  unions  consist  of  secre- 
tary and  treasurer,  and  executive  board.  Each  national 
union  elects  delegates  to  the  department  to  which  it  be- 
longs. The  same  proceedure  is  followed  in  electing 
delegates  as  in  electing  officers. 

Industrial  departments  hold  conventions  and  nomi- 
nate the  delegates  that  are  elected  to  the  general  con- 
vention. Delegates  to  the  general  convention  nominate 
candidates  for  the  officers  of  the  general  organization, 
which  are  a  General  Secretary-Treasurer,  and  a  General 
Organizer.  These  general  officers  are  elected  by  the 


16  THE    I.     W,     \V. 

vote  of  the  entire  organization. 

The  General  Executive  Board  is  composed  of  one 
member  from  each  Industrial  Department  and  is  selected 
by  the  membership  of  that  department. 

General  conventions  are  held  annually  at  present.* 
The  rule  in  determining  the  wages  of  the  officers  of 
all  parts  of  the  organization  is,  to  pay  the  officers  who 
are  needed  approximately  the  same  wages  they  would 
receive  when  employed  in  the  industry  in  which  they 
work.  The  wages  of  the  general  secretary  and  the  gen- 
eral organizer  are  each  $90.00  per  month. 


*  As  the  organization  grows,  the  system  of  conven- 
tions and  electing  officers  will  no  doubt  have  to  be 
changed. 


HISTORY,    STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS 


I.  W.  W.  Tactics  or  Methods 

As  a  revolutionary  organization  the  Industrial  Work- 
ers of  the  World  aims  to  use  any  and  all  tactics  that 
will  get  the  results  sought  with  the  least  expenditure  of 
time  and  energy.  The  tactics  used  are  determined  solely 
by  the  power  of  the  organization  to  make  good  in  their 
use.  The  question  of  right"  and  wrong"  does  not 
concern  us. 

No  terms  made  with  an  employer  are  final.  All 
peace  so  long  as  the  wage  system  lasts,  is  but  an  armed 
truce.  At  any  favorable  opportunity  the  struggle  for 
more  control  of  industry  is  renewed. 

The  Industrial  Workers  realize  that  the  day  of  suc- 
cessful long  strikes  is  past.  Under  all  ordinary  circum- 
stances a  strike  that  is  not  won  in  four  to  six  weeks 
cannot  be  won  by  remaining  out  longer.  In  trustified 
industry  the  employer  can  better  afford  to  fight  one  strike 
that  lasts  six  months  than  he  can  six  strikes  that  take 
place  in  that  period. 

The  organization  does  not  allow  any  part  to  enter 
into  time  contracts  with  the  employers.  It  aims  where 
strikes  are  used,  to  paralyze  all  branches  of  the  industry 
involved,  when  the  employers  can  least  afford  a  cessation 
of  work — during  the  busy  season  and  when  there  are 
rush  orders  to  be  filled. 

The  Industrial  Workers  of  the  W'orld  maintains  that 
nothing  will  be  conceded  by  the  employers  except  that 
which  we  have  the  power  to  take  and  hold  by  the 
strength  of  our  organization.  Therefore  we  seek  no 
agreements  with  the  employers. 

Failing  to  force  concessions  from  the  employers  by 
the  strike,  work  is  resumed  and  sabotage"  is  used  to 
force  the  employers  to  concede  the  demands  of  the 


18  THK    i.    \v.    \v. 

workers. 

The  {Treat  progress  made  in  machine  production  re- 
sults in  an  ever  inrrt'asing  army  of  unemployed.  To 
counteract  this  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  aims 
to  establish  the  shorter  work  day,  and  to  slow  up  the 
working  pace,  thus  compelling  the  employment  of  more 
and  more  workers. 

To  facilitate  the  work  of  organization,  large  initia- 
tion fees  and  dues  are  prohibited  by  the  I.  W.  W.  * 

During  strikes  the  works  are  closely  picketed  and 
every  effort  made  to  keep  the  employers  from  getting 
workers  into  the  shops.  All  supplies  are  cut  off  from 
strike  bound  shops.  All  shipments  are  refused  or  mis- 
sent,  delayed  and  lost  if  possible.  Strike  breakers  are 
also  isolated  to  the  full  extent  of  the  power  of  the  organ- 
ization. Interference  by  the  government  is  resented  by 
open  violation  of  the  government's  orders,  going  to  jail 
en  masse,  causing  expense  to  the  taxpayers — which  are 
but  another  name  for  the  employing  class. 

In  short,  the  I.  WT.  W.  advocates  the  use  of  militant 
direct  action"  tactics  to  the  full  extent  of  our  power 
to  make  good. 

EDUCATION 

At  the  present  time  the  organization  has  six  publi- 
cations— three  weekly,  one  bi-weekly,  and  two  monthly, 
in  the  following  languages:  English  2,  Polish  1, 
French  1,  Italian  1,  Spanish  1. 

The  general  organization  issues  leaflets  and  pamph- 
lets from  time  to  time  and  aims  to  build  up  and  extend 
educational  literature  in  all  languages  as  fast  as  the  re- 
sources of  the  organization  permit. 

Locals  hold  educational  meetings  in  halls  and  on  the 
streets  of  the  industrial  centers.  Reading  rooms  and 


*  Some  of  the  craft  unions  charge  from  $25.00  to 
$250.00.  One,  the  Green  Bottle  Blowers'  Union, 
charges  $1,000. 


HISTORY,    STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS  19 

halls  are  maintained  by    all    the    larger    locals.      Revolu- 
tionary literature  is  kept  on  file. 

Special  shop  meetings  are  held  in  efforts  to  organize 
certain  industries. 

STRUGGLES  OF  THE  I.  W.  W. 

In  1906  the  eight  hour  day  was  established  for 
hotel  and  restaurant  workers  in  Goldfield,  Nevada. 

In  the  same  year  sheet  steel  workers  lost  a  strike  at 
Youngstown,  Ohio,  due  to  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor's  filling  the  places  of  the  strikers. 

In  1907  textile  workers  of  Skowhegan,  Maine,  3,000 
strong,  struck  over  the  discharge  of  active  workers  in  the 
organization.  The  strike  lasted  four  weeks  and  resulted 
in  a  complete  victory  for  the  strikers  with  improved  con- 
ditions. John  Golden,  president  of  the  United  Textile 
Workers,  A.  F.  of  L.,  attempted  to  break  this  strike  by 
furnishing  strike  breakers. 

In  Portland,  Oregon,  3,000  saw  mill  workers  were 
involved  in  a  strike  for  a  nine  hour  day  and  increase  of 
wages  from  Si. 75  to  82.50  per  day.  On  account  of  the 
exceptional  demand  for  labor  of  all  kinds  in  that  section 
at  that  time,  most  of  the  strikers  secured  employment 
elsewhere,  and  the  strike  played  out  at  the  end  of  about 
six  weeks.  The  saw  mill  companies  were  seriously 
crippled  for  months,  and  were  forced  indirectly  to  raise 
wages  and  improve  conditions  of  their  employes.  This 
strike  gave  much  impetus  to  I.  W.  W.  agitation  in  the 
western  part  of  the  United  States. 

In  Bridgeport,  Connecticut,  1,200  tube  mill  workers 
were  involved.  This  strike  was  lost  through  the  scabbing 
tactics  of  the  A.  F.  of  L. 

In  the  same  year  800  silk  mill  workers  engaged  in  a 
strike  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania.  This  strike  was  lost 
on  account  of  a  shutdown  due  to  the  panic  of  1907  that 
occurred  shortly  after  the  strike  started. 

From  March  10,  1907  until  April  22,  the  W.  F.  M. 
and  the  I.  W.  W.  at  Goldfield,  Nevada,  fought  for  their 


20  THK     I.      \V.      W. 

existence  (and  the  conditions  that  they  had  established 
at  that  place)  against  the  combined  forces  of  the  mine 
owners,  business  men,  and  A.  F.  of  L.  This  open  fight 
was  compromised  as  a  result  of  the  treachery  of  the 
W.  F.  M.  general  officers.  The  fight  was  waged  inter- 
mittently from  April  22  till  September  1907  and  resulted 
in  regaining  all  ground  lost  through  the  compromise,  and 
in  destroying  the  scab  charters  issued  by  the  A.  F.  of  L. 
during  the  fight.  This  fight  cost  the  employers  over 
$100,000.  The  strike  of  the  W.  F.  M.  in  October  lf>i>7 
took  place  during  a  panic  and  destroyed  the  organiza- 
tion's control  in  that  district. 

Under  the  I.  W.  W.  sway  in  Goldfield,  the  mini- 
mum wage  for  all  kinds  of  labor  was  §4.50  per  day  and 
the  eight  hour  day  was  universal.  The  highest  point  of 
efficiency  for  any  labor  organization  was  reached  by  the 
I.  W.  W.  and  W.  F.  M.  in  Goldfield,  Nevada*  No 
committees  were  ever  sent  to  any  employers.  The  unions 
adopted  wage  scales  and  regulated  hours.  The  secretary 
posted  the  same  on  a  bulletin  board  outside  of  the  union 
hall,  and  it  was  the  LAW.  The  employers  were  forced 
to  come  and  see  the  union's  committees. 

Beginning  in  July  1909,  at  McKees  Rocks,  Pa., 
8,000  workers  of  the  Pressed  Steel  Car  Company,  em- 
bracing sixteen  different  nationalities,  waged  the  most 
important  struggle  that  the  I.  W.  W.  has  taken  part  in 
to  date.  The  strike  lasted  eleven  weeks.  As  usual,  the 
employers  resorted  to  the  use  of  the  Pennsylvania  State 
Constabulary,  known  as  the  American  Cossacks,  to  in- 
timidate the  strikers  and  browbeat  them  back  to  work. 
This  constabulary  is  a  picked  body  of  armed  thugs  re- 
cruited for  their  ability  to  handle  fire  arms.  Every  strike 
in  Pennsylvania  since  the  institution  of  the  constabulary 
has  been  broken  or  crippled  by  them.  Men,  women 
and  children  have  been  killed  and  brutally  maimed  by 
them  with  impunity.  Their  advent  upon  the  scene  in 
McKees  Rocks  was  marked  by  the  usual  campaign  of 
brutalitv.  Finallv  one  of  the  cossacks  killed  a  striker. 


HISTORY,     STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS  21 

The  strike  committee  then  served  notice  upon  the  com- 
mander of  the  cossacks  that  for  every  striker  killed  or 
injured  by  the  cossacks  the  life  of  a  cossack  would  be 
exacted  in  return.  And  that  they  were  not  at  all  con- 
cerned as  to  which  cossack  paid  the  penalty,  but  that  a 
life  for  a  life  would  be  exacted.  The  strikers  kept  their 
word.  On  the  next  assault  by  the  cossacks,  several  of 
the  constabulary  were  killed  and  a  number  wounded. 
The  cossacks  were  driven  from  the  streets  and  into  the 
plants  of  the  company.  An  equal  number  of  strikers 
were  killed  and  about  50  wounded  in  the  battle.  This 
ended  the  killing-  on  both  sides  during  the  remainder  of 
the  strike.  For  the  first  time  in  their  existence  the 
cossacks  were  "tamed."  The  McKees  Rocks  strike  re- 
sulted in  a  complete  victory  for  the  strikers. 

On  November  2,  1909,  the  city  government  at 
Spokane,  Wash.,  started  to  arrest  the  speakers  of  the 
I.  W.  W.  for  holding  street  meetings.  The  locals  at 
that  point  decided  to  fight  the  city  and  force  them  to 
allow  the  organization  to  hold  street  meetings.  The 
fight  lasted  up  to  the  first  of  March  following,  and  re- 
sulted in  compelling  the  city  to  pass  a  law  allowing  street 
speaking.  Over  500  members  went  to  jail  during  the 
free  speech  fight,  men  and  women.  Two  hundred  went 
on  a  hunger  strike  that  lasted  from  1 1  to  13  days,  and 
then  went  from  30  to  45  days  on  bread  and  water;  twa 
ounces  of  bread  per  day.  Four  members  lost  their  lives 
as  a  result  of  the  treatment  accorded  them  in  this  fight. 

Many  more  free  speech  fights  have  occurred  since 
the  one  in  Spokane,  the  most  notable  being  that  at 
Fresno,  California.  Here  the  authorities  in  cahoots  with 
employers  attempted  to  stop  I.  W.  W.  agitation,  which 
was  directed  toward  the  organization  of  the  thousands  of 
unskilled  workers  in  the  San  Joaquin  Valley,  the  fruit 
belt  of  California.  Street  meetings  were  forbidden  in 
Fresno.  The  I.  W.  W.  again  made  use  of  direct 
action"  methods,  and  filled  the  jails  of  that  city  with 
arrested  street  speakers.  The  fight  lasted  for  four 


22  THE    I.     W.     W. 

months,  and  over  100  members  were  in  jail  for  from  two 
to  three  months.  Arrested  members  refused  to  hire 
lawyers,  and  plead  their  own  cases  in  court,  or  used 
some  member  of  the  organization  as  their  attorney." 
Finally,  the  organizations  outside  of  Fresno  took  an 
energetic  hold  of  the  fight,  and  organized  a  movement  to 
invade  California."  In  accordance  with  this  plan,  de- 
tachments of  free  speech  fighters  started  to  "march  on 
Fresno"  from  Spokane,  Portland,  Denver,  St.  Louis  and 
other  sections.  Whereupon  the  Fresno  authorities  de- 
cided that  they  had  enough,  and  surrendered,  Freedom 
of  speech  was  completely  re-established  in  Fresno,  and 
the  I.  W.  W.  has  never  since  been  interfered  with. 

A  four  months'  strike  of  shoe  workers  in  Brooklyn, 
New  York  in  the  winter  of  191 1,  completes  the  list  of 
I.  W.  W.  conflicts  to  date.  This  strike  was  a  most 
stubbornly  contested  one  on  both  sides,  and  resulted  in 
improved  conditions  for  the  workers  in  some  of  the  shops. 

I.  W.  W.  AT  PRESENT 

The  organization  at  present  consists  of  one  National 
Union  (Textile  Workers)  and  100  local  unions  in  various 
other  industries,  affiliated  directly  with  the  general 
organization. 

The  membership  today  consists  almost  wholly  of  un- 
skilled workers.  The  bulk  of  the  present  membership  is 
in  the  following  industries :  Textile,  steel,  lumber, 
mining,  farming  and  railroad  construction.  The  majority 
of  the  workers  in  these  industries — except  the  textile — 
travel  from  place  to  place  following  the  different  seasons 
of  work.  They  are  therefore  out  of  touch  with  the  or- 
ganization for  months  at  a  period.  The  paid  up  mem- 
bership of  the  organization  at  this  time  is  10,487.  Due 
to  the  causes  referred  to  above,  that  is  all  of  the  mem- 
bership that  keeps  paid  up  on  the  books  at  all  times. 
The  general  office  however  has  issued  over  60,000  cards, 
which  is  about  the  number  of  workers  that  are  in  the  or- 
ganization in  good  and  bad  standing. 


HISTORY,    STRUCTURE    AND    METHODS  23 

The  general  practice  of  exaggerating  the  member- 
ship of  the  organization  is  looked  upon  with  disfavor  in 
the  I.  W.  W.,  as  the  organization  aims  to  have  the  mem- 
bership at  all  times  look  at  all  questions  that  affect  their 
interests  in  their  actual  state.  It  is  absolutely  necessary 
that  they  do  so  if  they  are  to  be  able  to  judge  their 
strength  and  their  ability  to  accomplish  any  proposed 
undertaking. 

As  will  be  seen,  the  organization  in  the  past  has 
had  a  continual  struggle,  not  the  least  of  which  has  been 
the  internal  strife  engendered  by  conflicting  elements 
whose  activity  sprang  from  many  different  motives. 

The  future  of  the  organization  will  be  one  of  greater 
struggles.  We  would  not  have  it  otherwise.  The  inter- 
nal strife  will  no  doubt  be  present  in  the  future  as  in  the 
past.  The  employing  class  are  fully  aware  that  the 
most  effective  way  of  lessening  the  power  of  the  revolu- 
tionary labor  organization  is  to  keep  it  busy  with  internal 
wrangles. 

As  the  membership  gain  experience  from  actual  con- 
tact with  the  problems  of  their  class  they  will  learn  to 
know  each  other  and  the  internal  wrangles  will  disappear. 
Then  this  weapon  in  the  hands  of  the  employers  will  be- 
come useless,  because  the  membership  will  refuse  to  be 
divided  where  their  class  interests  are  involved. 

The  future  belongs  to  the  I.  W.  W.  The  day  of 
the  skilled  worker  is  passed.  Machine  production  has 
made  the  unskilled  worker  the  main  factor  in  industry. 
Under  modern  industrial  conditions  the  workers  can  no 
longer  act  in  small  groups  with  any  chance  of  success. 
They  must  organize  and  act  as  a  class. 

We  are  looking  forward  to  the  time  when  the  organ- 
ized proletariat  will  meet  in  their  union   the    world   over 
and  decide  how  long  they  will  work  and  how   much    of 
the  wealth  they  produce  they  will  give  to  the  boss." 


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